PART OF MEXICO

TN

15

11

AR

SC

TERR.

11

MS AL

GA

Fu

3

5

9

ture

LA

Boundary

5

FL

TERR.

Electoral Vote

Popular Vote

Number %

Number %

Jackson

Learning

(Jacksonian Democrat)

178

68

647,276

56

J. Q. Adams

83

32

508,064

44

(National Republican)

Cengage©

MAP 11.2 Presidential Election, 1828

The 1828 presidential contest was a clear result of the organizing efforts that were building a national Democratic party under the name of Andrew Jackson. Jackson picked up all of the states that had gone for Crawford or Clay in 1824, leaving only New England and small portions of the mid-Atlantic for John Quincy Adams.

Adams versus Jackson

391

New England. Just as clearly, it was a victory of popular melodrama over old forms of cultural gentility.

A People’s

Newspapers estimated that from 15,000 to 30,000 citizens

Inauguration

came to Washington to witness Jackson’s inauguration on

March 4, 1829. They were “like the inundation of the

northern barbarians into Rome,” remarked Senator Daniel Webster. Many had

traveled as much as 500 miles, and “they really seem to think that the country is rescued from some dreadful danger.” As members of the Washington establishment

watched uneasily, the crowd filled the open spaces and the streets near the east

portico of the Capitol Building, where Jackson was to deliver his inaugural address.

Jackson arrived at the Capitol in mourning. In December, his wife Rachel had

gone to Nashville to shop and had stopped to rest in a newspaper office. There, for the first time, she read the accusations that had been made against her. She fainted on the spot. Although she had been in poor health, no one would ever convince

Jackson that her death in January was not caused by his political enemies. He

assumed the presidency wearing a black suit and black tie, a black armband, and

a black hatband that trailed down his neck in what was called a weeper.

Jackson’s inaugural address was vague. He promised “proper respect” for

states’ rights and a “spirit of equity, caution, and compromise” on the question of the tariff, which was beginning to cause sectional controversy. He promised to

reform the civil service by replacing “unfaithful or incompetent” officers, and he vowed to retire the national debt through “a strict and faithful economy.” Beyond that, he said little, although he took every opportunity to flatter the popular majority. He had been elected “by the choice of a free people” (and not by King Caucus or Corrupt Bargains), and he pledged “the zealous dedication of my humble abilities to their service and their good.” He finished—as he often finished an important statement—by reminding Americans that a benign providence looked over them.

He then looked up to a roar of applause.

The crowd followed Jackson from the Capitol to the White House, invading

the mansion, muddying the carpets, tipping things over, breaking dishes, and standing in dirty boots on upholstered chairs. Jackson had to retreat to avoid being

crushed. The White House staff lured much of the crowd outside by moving the

punch bowls and liquor to the lawn. A wealthy Washington matron who had

admired the well-behaved crowd at the inaugural address exclaimed, “What a scene

did we witness! The Majesty of the People had disappeared, and a rabble, a mob, of boys, negros, women, children, scrambling, fighting, romping. What a pity, what a pity.” Another guest pronounced the occasion a “Saturnalia ... of mud and filth.”

A Democratic newspaper reported more favorably: “General Jackson is their own

President.... He was greeted by them with an enthusiasm which bespoke him the

Hero of a popular triumph.”

The Spoils

Jackson had begun to assemble his administration months

System

before he took office. Martin Van Buren, who had mobilized

much of the support Jackson gained between 1824 and

1828, was the new secretary of state—positioned to succeed Jackson as president.

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